No other country in the world has taken in more refugees per capita than Lebanon. Over 1.2 million Syrians on 5.5 million Lebanese means 22% added to the size of the Lebanese population are Refugees. Now anti-Syrian sentiments in Lebanon are surging since the killing of right-wing Christian politician and anti-Hezbollah activist, Pascal Sleiman, for which the Lebanese army claims a Syrian gang is responsible. But there are approaches that promise hope for a non-violent future of co-existence.
Anti-Syrian sentiments in Lebanon are surging since the killing of right-wing Christian politician and anti-Hezbollah activist, Pascal Sleiman, for which the Lebanese army claims a Syrian gang is responsible. Mob violence against Syrians has increased, Prime Minister Najib Mikati has promised to deport “most Syrians” from Lebanon, and a nationwide campaign calling to “Undo the damage” of Syrians in Lebanon has occupied billboards along the highway for months. Its xenophobic message is delivered alongside the picture of a young Syrian girl.
This divisive sentiment is nothing new, according to researcher, governance- and peace practitioner, Rami Jabbour, who points to its historical roots. The Syrian army’s occupation of Lebanon, beginning in 1976 and ending in 2005, contributes to the Lebanese mistrust towards Syrian people, according to Jabbour. “Another one is the belief by most Lebanese, that Syria as a whole doesn’t consider Lebanon as a sovereign and free state,” says Jabbour. Hence, he dates the tension between Syrians and Lebanese back to the formation of the two states.
However, as pointed out by Jabbour, “the government of Lebanon is responsible for whatever is happening.” He believes they are the main actor to blame, since they have not responded to the massive influx of Syrian refuges in a constructive way. Agreeing with him on this note is Ranya Assassa, a peace expert and project manager at the peace-facilitating NGO, forumZFD, who stresses the political instrumentalization of the Syrian refugee situation:
“This (the situation) breeds resentment. And often, unfortunately, this resentment is not targeted towards the politicians in Lebanon or outside of Lebanon, but people in a similar boat, both victims of really unjust politics rise against each other, falling for a big political game.”
A crucial step towards conciliation between the communities is, in Assassa’s eyes, raising awareness about the ‘divide and rule’ tactics involved in the anti-Syrian campaigns. She is currently working on a civil education manual, as a means to empower citizens to become part of the political discourse, as well as to help them grow more resistant to propaganda.
Another essential route towards sustainable relationships amongst and between the different communities is, according to Jabbour, fostering them through “building bridges”. In the eyes of Assassa, many such ‘bridges’ already exist between various Syrian and Lebanese communities.
“In Achrafieh (a Christian-majority neighborhood in Beirut), people distributed flyers in the streets, where it was said ‘Syrians, we ask you to leave, you are not welcome here’. A few days later, we woke up and found a lot of (new) flyers. These said ‘They who distributed the flyers don’t speak in the name of us all. We understand what it means to be threatened through war and displacement.’ Another one said, ‘We know that there is one party to blame, and it is not the refugees’”, explains Assassa, who also sees a lot of cross-cultural unity within the art sector.
For these existing bridges to grow stronger, she believes reaching key people – those who have an impact on their communities, such as journalists – are an essential part of the picture.
Similarly, Jabbour suggests collaborating with content creators and influencers to spread messages that facilitate harmony, since traditional media in Lebanon is politically inclined. Through these channels, the idea would be to build new narratives that destigmatize and humanize Syrian people, and that help to deconstruct the existing, divisive narratives.
Another route towards more peaceful relations between the communities, would according to Jabbour be for NGOs to work on a local level, to develop projects that foster cross-cultural understanding, and relieve tension. Additionally, peace expert and trainer at forumZFD, Hasan Salha, believes the emergence of local Syrian leaders, to represent their communities would lead to better collaborations on a local level, which could help society function better as a whole.
All these potential solutions to the politically encouraged divide between the Syrian and the Lebanese communities have something in common; they rely on communication and knowledge. And therein, believes Jabbour, lies the most potent long-term solution: dialogues between Syrian and Lebanese intellectuals on what a bright future for them could look like.
His conviction is based on historical evidence. In 2004, before the Syrian revolution and its after-effects, there was a successful political initiative, partly led by the late journalist Samir Kassir, which saw freedom and democracy within both Syria and Lebanon as interlinked and desirable, and as something that would lead to positive relations between the two countries.
“I think similar initiatives are needed, and I’d say that this initiative was kind of successful at that time because all who were involved in this initiative were either imprisoned or assassinated, unfortunately. This gives an indication that dialogues on an intellectual level are important”, says Jabbour. Cross-cultural dialogues may thus be the most potent means by which to tackle the Syrian-Lebanese divide. Cross-cultural collaboration certainly is, since together, we are stronger.
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